Second Fiddle Keir
No, not Sir Keir Starmer . . .
Wales abounds in myths, and none are so pervasive as those related
to the Labour party, of which Keir Hardie is just one instance. Hardie was elected
as MP for Merthyr Boroughs in 1900 (after trying his luck at being elected elsewhere)
But a few important points about the constituency at this time need to need to be
borne in mind.
Firstly, Merthyr Boroughs was, by virtue of the various
Reform Acts a very large constituency in terms of its electorate, and by the
early 1870s, it had a much higher proportion of inhabitants entitled to vote
than neighbouring parliamentary seats. And this led to the constituency
returning two members to Parliament, a notion that may seem strange to the
modern ear.
Secondly, the constituency had a very long radical tradition dating
back at least as far as the 1831 uprising
and which which persisted into the twentieth century. This radical tradition
appears to have worked with, rather than against the Liberals, right up to
1922. It should be noted that the Liberal and radical tradition was exemplified
as much by the Liberal MP David Alfred (D.A.) Thomas, as by Labour’s Keir
Hardie. Indeed, judging by electoral success, Thomas and the Liberal party had
the edge over Hardie, who only ever managed to come in at second place in the two-seat
borough constituency.
Hardie was an unlikely representative for a constituency like
Merthyr. True, it had its radical tradition, but Hardie was a Scotsman and
Merthyr was a Welsh constituency that valued its Welshness. Its leading political
figure since 1888 was D.A. Thomas, a coal owner but a man with radical and Welsh
politics. Hardie was also no political virgin when he stood for Merthyr, having
been MP for West Ham South between 1892 and 1895. Moreover, in the 1900 election,
Merthyr Boroughs was not his first choice. This again may seem strange to
modern readers but in 1900 general elections were not held on the same day
throughout the country. They were staggered with different areas voting on different
days, and Hardie tried his hand in Preston before defeat to the Conservatives
forced him to look elsewhere. Whatever Merthyr may have come to mean for him,
it was clearly not his first love.
The 1900 election was a “Khaki election”, fought against the
background of the Boer War and jingoism, with an overwhelming majority for the Conservative
government over the Liberal opposition. It resulted in the election of just two Labour
MPs, Hardie and one another, Richard Bell of Derby. And Hardie’s election owed
more to one of the Liberal incumbents in Merthyr than to the forward march of
labour.
The reasons for this lie in the relationship of D.A. Thomas
with his fellow Liberal, Pritchard Morgan. Both men were elected in by-elections
in 1888. Pritchard Morgan had originally put himself forward as a non-Liberal candidate,
but events conspired to lead the Liberals to take Morgan on board. However, his
relationship with D.A. Thomas was always prickly. The immediate consequence of
the Liberal action in inviting Morgan to join the party was for Thomas, a man
of means, to set up his own network of supporters and activists, so that eventually
the party and the persona of D.A. Thomas were indistinguishable. Pritchard
Morgan tried to set up a Liberal and Labour association (along the lines of the
one William Abraham had established in the Rhondda) but the idea that Morgan
was representative of an alliance between Liberals and Labour for mutual benefit
was not taken seriously. The unions even considered putting up their own candidate
in 1892 and this resulted in the two Liberals being re-elected in the 1892 general
election (which saw the party return to government under Gladstone’s fourth ministry).
However, the two men had serious differences of outlook and
policy. In contrast to Morgan’s attempt to tap into class-based politics,
Thomas was a keen advocate for Welsh Home Rule and Disestablishment of the
Church of England. And while Thomas, a coal owner with interests focused on Wales, Morgan had extensive
interests in the Far East, causing him to be labelled “The Member for China.”
After the collapse of the Liberal government in 1895 Thomas refused to associate
himself further with the Member for China and put forward a third (unofficial) Liberal
candidate, Allen Upward, but Upward polled dismally in the general election of that
year because many Liberals feared that a split vote would let in a
Conservative.
Morgan had been abroad during much
of 1898 (when there was a coal strike) and was absent for the whole of the 1899
session.[1]
Morgan nevertheless dared to criticise Thomas’s conduct in Parliament,
something that infuriated the latter. By the time of the 1900 election, both Liberal members were at odds on
the main issue of the day, the South African war, with Thomas, like the
majority of Liberals, being firmly opposed.
Pritchard Morgan was somewhat
lethargic in his approach to the 1900 election, a combination of illness and a
belief, until a week before polling, that he would be returned unopposed.
Thomas by contrast had been working tirelessly and, at a meeting in Troedyrhiw
on 27 September, told his audience that it was the ninth such meeting he had
addressed that day.[2] The
wildcard for the Member for China was the sudden appearance (after his failure
in Preston) of Keir Hardie who, on his own admission, campaigned for no more
than eleven hours. Only a few meetings were held in the constituency to support
both Liberal candidates,[3] but
Hardie and Thomas were able to appear on the same platform together, ostensibly
as anti-war speakers. Hardie had a small team of enthusiastic supporters
delivering leaflets and canvassing, but Kenneth Morgan argues that it was the
private machine of D.A. Thomas that secured the seat for Hardie.[4]
Merthyr
Boroughs Election Result 1900[5]
D.A Thomas (Liberal) 8,595
Keir Hardie (Labour) 5,745
W. P. Morgan (Liberal) 4,004
Analysis of the votes show that those who cast single votes – “plumpers”
– voted thus:
Thomas – 2,070
Morgan – 1,472
Hardie -
867
The split votes were:
Hardie and Thomas – 4,437
Morgan and Thomas – 2,091
Hardie and Morgan – 441
So, D.A Thomas headed the poll,
with Hardie second, and Pritchard Morgan ejected from Parliament. Hardie was
the least popular of the candidates, if judged in terms of “plumping,” but what
pushed him into second place was the number of Thomas voters who opted to give
a second vote to Labour, more than twice as many as the Thomas voters who gave
a second vote to Pritchard Morgan. If anything, this lends weight to the view
that it was the anti-war sentiment that caused the pro-war Morgan to lose his
seat. Thousands of Liberal voters were obviously relaxed about voting for
Labour, thus underlining the fact that the Labour movement was, in its origins,
an outgrowth of Liberalism.
More than five years later, Hardie
held on to his seat but was still well behind the leading Liberal.
Merthyr Boroughs Election
Result 1906[6]
D.A.
Thomas (Liberal) 13,971
Keir
Hardie (Labour) 10,187
Henry
Radcliffe (Liberal) 7,776
After 1906
D.A. Thomas, turned down for office by new Prime Minister Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman,
became a little less enthusiastic about politics. His daughter later wrote of
the reasons for his exclusion from office
[Campbell-Bannerman] told
my father that he would not give my father office because his front bench must
consist of Parliamentary debaters of the first rank, and there was, my father
felt, some justice in this remark; at the same time, he did not believe it to
be an entirely genuine excuse. The fact was that he had enemies and that at
Westminster he had, largely through their offices but partly owing to his
independence, gained the reputation of being a difficult man to work with.
During his twenty-one years of parliamentary life he was never so much as made
chairman of a committee.[7]
This led to
him firstly abandoning Merthyr for a seat in Cardiff (which he briefly held
after January 1910) and then his leaving politics altogether to focus on his
business career as head of the Cambrian
Coal Combine. This left room for the re-emergence
of the Merthyr Liberal party as an organisational and ideological force independent
of Thomas, and the expression of hostility towards Hardie. Part of the hostility
may have been ideological but much of it was driven by Hardie’s own antagonistic
attitude towards the Liberals. Towards the end of 1909 the Merthyr Express
for example, contrasted Hardie’s critical and disdainful attitude towards the
Liberals with other Labour MPs, such as William Abraham (Rhondda), William Brace
(South Glamorgan) and Tom Richards (West Monmouthshire), who worked with the Liberal party. With a general
election expected in January, “one hears, from even the most unexpected
quarters, strong expressions of hope that there will be a second Liberal
candidate for the constituency.”
There was a
great deal of talk about a second Liberal candidate but the circumstances of
the two elections in 1910 obliged the Liberals to put up only one candidate. The
House of Lords had rejected the Liberal Government’s Budget with its extensive social
welfare reforms promoted by Chancellor of the Exchequer David Lloyd-George. The
January election saw the new Liberal candidate Edgar Rees Jones, a lecturer, top
the poll, with Hardie yet again in second place. The election produced a hung parliament,
albeit one where the Liberals had a majority with support from Labour and the
Irish nationalists. The political deadlock over the Budget continued however, and
a second general election was called for December. Again, Jones and Hardie
topped the poll, but they both had reduced majorities over the Unionist (or
Conservative) candidate. The results of the second election were broadly similar
to the first but Prime Minister H.H. Asquith had secured from the King in the event
of an “adequate” majority for reform a promise to create enough Liberal peers
to outvote the Unionist majority in the House of Lords and to reform it.
The Liberals
continued in government, but with their reforming zeal unhindered by a House of
Lords able now to do no more than delay legislation. An election under the
terms of the new Parliament Act would have had to be called no later than 1915
and while some thought Hardie would next time beat the Liberals, others were
not so sure as a great deal of effort was put into organising the Liberal machine
in Merthyr Boroughs. However, war broke out and the election was delayed.
Hardie was personally devastated by this turn of events, which may well have
led to the decline in his health. He suffered a minor stroke in January 1915
but refused to lessen the pace of his work. He died in September 1915[8]
at the age of fifty-nine and this precipitated a by-election. Thomas, later ennobled
as Lord Rhondda died a few years later but not before he made a significant contribution
to the nation’s war effort. He was sent to the United States on a mission on
behalf of the Ministry of Munitions, and after Lloyd George became prime
minister, was first made President of the Local Government Board and later Food
Controller,[9]
at which post he proved to be a “remarkable success.”[10] The
strain of office had exhausted him and ruined his health. He was 62 years of
age when he died.
[1] Merthyr Express, 6 October 1900
[2] Aberdare Times, 6 October 1900
[3] South Wales Daily News, 1 October 1900
[4]
K.O. Morgan (1975) Keir Hardie, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, p118
[5] Aberdare Times, 6 October 1900
[6] Cardiff Times, 20 January 1906
[7]
Viscountess Rhondda, ‘The Chief Events of his Life,’ in Viscountess Rhondda,
(Ed) (1921) D.A. Thomas, Viscount Rhondda,
London, Longmans, Green & Co., p55
[8]
Bob Holman (2010) Keir Hardie, Labour’s
Greatest Hero? Oxford, Lion Hudson, pp177-8
[9]
John Grigg (2003) Lloyd George, War
Leader, 1916-1918, London, Penguin, pp394-402
[10] Ibid., p134
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